WASHINGTON — It shouldn’t be that arduous to be an American chief visiting Europe for the primary time after President Donald J. Trump.

However President Biden will face his personal challenges when he departs on Wednesday, particularly as the US confronts a disruptive Russia and a rising China whereas attempting to reassemble and rally the shaken Western alliance because it emerges from the coronavirus pandemic.

Mr. Biden, who will arrive for a collection of summit conferences buoyed by a profitable vaccination program and a rebounding economic system, will spend the subsequent week making the case that America is again and able to lead the West anew in what he calls an existential collision between democracies and autocracies.

On the agenda are conferences in Britain with leaders of the Group of seven nations, adopted by visits to NATO and the European Union. On Mr. Biden’s closing day, in Geneva, he’ll maintain his first assembly as president with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia.

Mr. Biden’s overarching process is to ship the diplomatic serenity that eluded such gatherings throughout 4 years through which Mr. Trump scorched longstanding relationships with shut allies, threatened to drag out of NATO and embraced Mr. Putin and different autocrats, admiring their power.

However the good will Mr. Biden brings just by not being Mr. Trump papers over lingering doubts about his sturdiness, American reliability and the associated fee that Europe will likely be anticipated to pay. At 78, is Mr. Biden the final gasp of an old-style, internationalist international coverage? Will Europe bear the price of what more and more appears like a brand new Chilly Warfare with Russia? Is it being requested to enroll in a China containment coverage? And can Mr. Biden ship on local weather?

These questions will loom as he offers with disagreements over commerce, new restrictions on investing in and shopping for from China and his ever-evolving stance on a pure fuel pipeline that may route instantly from Russia to Europe, bypassing Ukraine.

All through, Mr. Biden will face European leaders who’re cautious of the US in a approach they haven’t been since 1945 and are questioning the place it’s headed.

“They’ve seen the state of the Republican Occasion,” stated Barry Pavel, the director of the Scowcroft Heart for Technique and Safety at The Atlantic Council. “They’ve seen Jan. 6. They know you can have one other president in 2024.”

White Home officers say that secure American diplomacy is again for good, however in fact they can not provide any ensures after January 2025. European officers are following the raging political arguments in the US, and so they observe that Mr. Trump’s grip on his get together is hardly weakening.

Days earlier than Mr. Biden’s departure, Republicans in Congress rejected the creation of a bipartisan commission to look at the Capitol riot. Republican lawmakers embrace Mr. Trump’s false claims that the 2020 election was stolen. Democrats are faltering of their efforts to move sweeping laws to counter Republican assaults on voting rights on the state degree.

By way of all of it, Mr. Trump retains hinting at a political comeback in 4 years.

“There’s an nervousness about American politics,” stated Ian Lesser, a vice chairman on the German Marshall Fund of the US. “Merely, what will occur within the midterm elections? Whether or not Trumpism will show extra sturdy than Mr. Trump. What’s coming subsequent in American politics?”

If the way forward for the US is the long-term concern, tips on how to handle a disruptive Russia is the instant agenda. No a part of the journey will likely be extra charged than a daylong assembly with Mr. Putin.

Mr. Biden known as for the assembly — the primary since Mr. Trump embraced Mr. Putin’s denials of election interference at a summit in Helsinki, Finland, three years in the past — regardless of warnings from human rights activists that doing so would strengthen and embolden the Russian chief. Jake Sullivan, Mr. Biden’s nationwide safety adviser, has famous that American presidents met with their Soviet counterparts all through the Chilly Warfare, and their Russian successors afterward. However on Monday, he stated Mr. Biden would warn Mr. Putin instantly that with out a change in conduct, “there will likely be responses.”

But veterans of the wrestle between Washington and Moscow say disruption is Mr. Putin’s true superpower.

“Putin doesn’t essentially desire a extra secure or predictable relationship,” stated Alexander Vershbow, who was an envoy to Russia underneath President George W. Bush. “One of the best case one can hope for is that the 2 leaders will argue about a number of issues however proceed the dialogue.”

White Home officers say the president has no intention of attempting to reset the connection with Russia. Having known as Mr. Putin a “killer” this 12 months, Mr. Biden is cleareyed about his adversary, they stated: He regards Mr. Putin extra as a hardened mafia boss, ordering hits with the nation’s provide of nerve brokers, than a nationwide chief.

However Mr. Biden is decided to place guardrails on the connection, seeing out some measure of cooperation, beginning with the way forward for their nuclear arsenals.

However there’s a dawning consciousness in Europe that whereas Mr. Putin cherishes his rising arsenal, Russia’s nuclear potential is a strategic remnant of an period of superpower battle. In what Mr. Putin lately known as a brand new Chilly Warfare with the US, the weapons of alternative are cyberweapons, ransomware wielded by gangs working from Russian territory and the flexibility to shake neighbors like Ukraine by massing troops on the border.

Mr. Biden will embrace NATO and Article V of its constitution, the part that commits each member of the alliance to think about an armed assault on one as an armed assault on all. However it’s much less clear what constitutes an armed assault within the trendy age: a cyberstrike just like the SolarWinds hacking that infiltrated company and authorities networks? The motion of intermediate-range missiles and Russian troops to the border of Ukraine, which isn’t a NATO member?

Mr. Biden’s associates say the bottom line is for him to clarify that he has seen Mr. Putin’s bravado earlier than and that it doesn’t faze him.

“Joe Biden will not be Donald Trump,” stated Thomas E. Donilon, who was a nationwide safety adviser to President Barack Obama and whose spouse and brother are key aides to Mr. Biden. “You’re not going to have this inexplicable reluctance of a U.S. president to criticize a Russian president who’s main a rustic that’s actively hostile to the US in so many areas. You gained’t have that.”

When Mr. Biden defines the present wrestle as “a battle between the utility of democracies within the twenty first century and autocracies,” although, he seems to be worrying extra about China’s attraction as a buying and selling companion and supply of expertise than Russia’s disruptions. And whereas Europeans largely don’t see China because the type of rising technological, ideological and navy menace that Washington does, it’s an argument Mr. Biden is starting to win.

The British are deploying the most important fleet of its Navy warships to the Pacific for the reason that Falklands Warfare, practically 40 years in the past. The thought is to re-establish at the least a visiting presence in a area that when was a part of its empire, with stops in Singapore, Malaysia, Australia and New Zealand. However on the identical time, Prime Minister Boris Johnson has signed on to the hassle by Washington — begun by Mr. Trump and accelerated by Mr. Biden — to guarantee that Huawei, the Chinese language telecommunications firm, doesn’t win new contracts to put in 5G mobile networks in Britain.

Some in Europe are following go well with, however Mr. Biden’s aides stated they felt blindsided final 12 months when the European Union introduced an funding settlement with China days earlier than Mr. Biden’s inauguration. It was a mirrored image of fears that if the continent obtained sucked into the U.S.-China rivalry, European firms would bear the brunt, beginning with the luxurious auto business in Germany.

The way forward for the settlement is unclear, however Mr. Biden goes the opposite approach: Final week he signed an government order banning Americans from investing in Chinese companies which might be linked to the nation’s navy or ones that promote surveillance expertise used to repress dissent or non secular minorities, each inside and out of doors China. However to be efficient, the allies must be a part of; to this point, few have expressed enthusiasm for the hassle.

Mr. Biden could possibly win over skeptics together with his embrace of the objective of combating local weather change, though he’ll run into questions on whether or not he’s doing sufficient.

4 years in the past, at Mr. Trump’s first G7 assembly, six world leaders reaffirmed their dedication to the Paris local weather accord whereas the United States declared it was “not in a position to join the consensus.”

Mr. Biden is reversing that stance, pledging to chop U.S. emissions 50 p.c to 52 p.c beneath 2005 ranges by the tip of the last decade and writing in an op-ed in The Washington Post earlier than the summit that with the US again on the desk, nations “have a possibility to ship bold progress.”

However world leaders stated they remained cautious of the US’ willingness to enact severe laws to sort out its emissions and ship on monetary guarantees to poorer nations.

“They’ve proven the appropriate method, not essentially to the extent of magnitude that they might,” stated Graça Machel, the previous schooling and tradition minister of Mozambique.

Key to reaching bold local weather objectives is China, which emits greater than the US, Europe and Japan mixed. Peter Betts, the previous lead local weather negotiator for Britain and the European Union, stated the check for Mr. Biden was whether or not he could lead on the G7 nations in a profitable stress marketing campaign.

China, he stated, “does care what the growing world thinks.”

Lisa Friedman contributed reporting.